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Political Machinery 




Two Speeches that were Too 

True for the Political Boss 

to Allow Published 





This Item is Due on the Latest Date Stamped 



W9 01 


1381 fa 

A Speech of a United States 
Senator and a Paper of a 
Prominent Educator 

Copyrighted 190S by Bascom Kavanaugh, State Agent, S24 Market Street, 
Galveston, Texas _ , , ..... ■ * • ■ « 


In submitting these speeches to the reading; public, we do not believe 
we are committing a crime, but we leave you to be the judge of that. 
We have purposely withheld the Senator's and Professor's names for 
fear of some misunderstanding with party leaders, I have obtained 
permission to publish these speeches provided no names were given. 

The composers of these speeches intended them for publication, but 
the party boss decided to assign them to oblivion. The story of the 
speeches is easily told. 

During the last Session of Congress a bill was introduced which had 
for its purpose the checking of the South's efforts to disfranchise the 
Negroes. The Republicans claimed that the South was openly denying 
the Negroes the right which the Fifteenth Amendment of the Consti- 
tution guaranteed them. The Bill was brought in in due and ancient 
form and, after the preliminaries, was referred to a committee. 

Both sides expected a favorable report and made haste to arrange 
for the coming debate. The southern Senator selected to champion 
the opposition began at once preparing his speech. When he had finished 
writing the speech, he sent it to me with two requests. First, 
that I should make a copy of the speech and hold it in readinessforpuibli- 
cation as soon as it was delivered in the Senate. 

But the Bill miscarried in committeej therefore! the Senator never 
delivered his speech. I sent in the oration, with explanation to my 
paper, the Editor wished to publish an abbreviated form of the speech 
as the Senator's opinion upon the race problem; but after consulting 
the party leader, it was decided to say no more about it. 

The second speech had a singular fate. A prominent Texas educator 
read this paper before the Conference of Education. The paper was 
given to me to send in for publication. I sent it in. After the manu- 
script was sent, the professors concluded that in face of the coming 
primary election, it would be best to withdraw the paper. The paper 
was withdrawn. 

You have the whole story in a nutshell. 

Just one more word of explanation — my reasons for publishing these 

speeches. I want the common people — folks like you and me — to see 
how the Party Bosses run the Party Machinery. I contend that the 
boss and his machine are enemies to reform. By dictating to our states- 
men and culling every speech they make, we common people are fed on 
skimmed milk. We never know the true state of affairs, unless we get 
on the inside circle, then, we have to keep quiet or lose our pie. 

I believe after you have read this pamphlet, you will agree with me in 
pronouncing these speeches worthy of publication. The honorable 
gentlemen have struck the key note, and we do hope, trust, and pray 
that they will muster up the moral courage to continue the music. 

The Reporter. 


'Mj. Prp;iidei!.t, ■ I am, greatly surprised that a bill so obviously uncon- 
stitutioaalv.,^: ole-arly ^contradictory to the laws and traditions of this 
nation,' should came -up for deliberation in this august body. When 
I learned that this bill had passed into the hands of the committee, 
'I. .fell;, stfre 'Lhcie. wculd -be^no further action taken; but, alas! how little 
we can divide .of t'he ff*i£&r.e.; The State laws, the Constitution, the 
Holy Writ itself is nut respect-id by this administration, when a measure 
is calculated to influence a few votes for the Mighty One's Elect. Sir, 
whether we expected it or not, the bill is before us, therefore, I crave 
your indulgence for consuming your time discussing this measure. 

My surprise at the author's audacity does not allay my fears of the 
baneful results should this bill become a law. Knowing the temper of 
my fellow countrymen in the South, and seeing the destructive effect 
this measure would have on their cherished social system, I feel justified 
in entertaining the gravest misgivings. Indeed, sir, this is not a light 
subject, nor, should we treat it indifferently. Our nation is a unit; it 
is one body composed of many parts; if one member is injured, the whole 
must suffer with it. How you can work calmly on in obedience to the 
commands of your lord and master of the Big Stick, though he dictates 
laws that threaten the destruction of the nation, is more than I can 

Is some great calamity going to befall us, or what are we afraid of? 
It does not take a great statesman to descry a crisis coming. From 
the slums of the cities of the North, from the anarchical hordes of de- 
graded foreigners of the West, and from the millions of black beasts 
of the South come unmistakable evidence of destructive forces at work 
undermining the foundation of our free government. The breach is 
growing wider and deeper; the pacific strata are trembling under their 
own weight; the collapse is inevitable; the shock will jar the government 
from center to circumference, and fortunate will we be if we are not 
submerged by the wave of evil that will roll in upon us. 

If the danger is so manifest, you ask, how shall we subvert the crisis? 
The remedy is simple. Remove the cause, Now, I know the learned 
gentleman from New York, who has so ably entertained you with his 
lengthy discussion of the pending bill, will discredit a treatment so 
simple. He prefers to experiment with a more complicated compound. 
Give the dose the gentleman prescribes, and you will only be aggravating 
the disease. The remedy I shall shortly prescribe is not a new one, for 
it has been advocated by my fellow countrymen for the last one hundred 
years. For, indeed, sir, we cannot hope to cure this evil in a fortnight, 
but we can remove the cause of the trouble, then patiently wait for 
time and nature to heal our prostrated country. 

this year what they did the last, m W© « ^T^^dent, traveling by 

"It took thousands of years for *™1°™I°1 ^Cxnv who are not 
siavery » .wrong £ /o tos ^ | hour ther e^ma^ ^ 

J^X S3K S«-^ to review bHefiy Ms 

'"two" hundred eighty-nine year* ago to = first «^ Wg« 
the colonies were sold by a butch ship .captain to a vm P mark 
Those twenty Negroes, exchanged by the capla n i } ^ 

the beginning of the nations gr eatest an. uii, my j 

when shall we atone for the tr ansgr e s o of ou ^£ers gene ration, 
sin has been visited upon w ft* the , tin*, yea *£*££* of slaves 

^rSXa^S^ S >aves were to be found 
from Massachusetts to Georgia. 

If at erst slave, were found in ^>^^^£UsL 
gradually disappear ^ fl ^ ^o^w^iii^b^^y^^ ^ 
until they reached millions? 1 here _ were T ^ v f^ roduct j ve rQC ky hills 
two sections differ in soil and c imato ^he ^product™ ro^ ^ 
of New England, together with the cold ™^ rs ^ £^g? industries, 
possible. Commerce and ^^^^L^ J^o fcmlri the intel- 
£or these the Negro was suited. The Africans « > too 10 

P XS-do we find the Negroes ™£^™ %£$£%%!> 
above reasons, but a second cause is found m "<e mneren ce ^^ 

themselves. The people of the Nor th were g e »^ ' * ^ were 

?Ti?vSn ^ r rA*£o?t£\^^ tlim as the nosing 
link between man and monkey. *--w1mw1 

It was a long time before the Yankee's »«™ ^ 
because of the immorahty of shiver y , The ge ^ ron u ^ 
so bitterly assails the ^^^^^'^a^Xing the past. I 

SS&ttM ^-SWiSSffi- vf/afeVthe Spanish 

colonies with African slaves between 1566 and 1580. An English com 
pany got the Asienta, or privilege of carrying slaves to the Spanish West 
Indies by the treaty of Utrecht in 1713. And all the good Puritans of 
New England thanked God, that they, too, should share some of the 
benefits of this godly treaty, by being permitted to engage in this human 
traffic It was reserved for South Carolina to be the first colony to 
become frightened and attempt to lay duties on Negro importation. 

Slowly the people came to lament that their country was cursed by 
this hellish practice. During the Revolutionary War, steps were taken 
by the Continental Congress to check it. The framers of the Constitution 
in 1787 had bitter debates upon this subject, they finally compromised 
by agreeing that for twenty years no restriction should be placed on the 
slave trade. But the difference between the two sections was becoming 
more marked. 

The difference came out in great distinctness when in 1777 Vermont 
prohibited the slavery of grown men and women. Pennsylvania in 1780 
passed an act declaring that all persons born within the commonwealth 
after the date of the act should be free. Massachusetts ml 780 de- 
clared that "all men are born free and equal," and New Hampshire fol- 
lowed with the same resolution in 1783. In Connecticut and Rhode 
Island emancipation acts, similar to that of Pennsylvania, were passed 
in 1784. By the ordinance of 1.787, freedom was guaranteed in the 
whole territory north of the Ohio river and cast of the Mississippi river. 
In 1799 New York passed a gradual emancipation act; and in 1S04 New 
Jersey followed. By the beginning of the nineteenth century, in the 
solid block of territory north of the Mason and Dixon line, slavery was 
dead or dying. , ■ . 

Mr. President, I shall not worry you by giving the details ol the slave 
agitation during the fifty yeaTs preceding the Civil War. Suffice it 
to say that in 1807 a bill was passed by Congress prohibiting the impor- 
tation of slaves after 1808. In 1S20 the Missouri Compromise permitted 
Missouri to enter the Union as a slave state, but all other 
states created out of the Louisiana Purchase north at ,36 30 north 
latitude, were to be free; south of that, they could decide forthemselves 
When California was ready for statehood, the Compromise of 1850 
was consummated, admitting her as a free state. In 1854 the Kansas- 
Nebraska Bill opened the way for the infuriated mobs to commit those 
stunts that were a disgrace to even "bleeding Kansas." 

It was not the above laws nor the debates in the Halls of Congress 
that did most to spread the abolition and antislavery movements, but 
the press, the pulpit, the platform, and the societies, under such leaders 
as Garrison and Whittier, were the chief instruments that quickened 
the nation's conscience. The awakening was the natural consequence 
of the steady intellectual development of the people. 

The people were aroused to fever heat, and it was certain that a rev- 
olution would come. For three-quarters of-a century the quarrel had 
been growing; there was no possible way of removing the cause that 
would prove satisfactory to both parties. The war was as sure to fol- 
low as night is to follow day. In the end every Negro in the United 
States was made a free citizen. That result obeyed laws as unalterable 
as the laws that govern this planet in its flight around the sun. 

Mr. President, I beg your pardon for detaining you so long. But, 
sir, I cannot pass this war without speaking one word in defense of my 
father's comrades-in-arms. The constitutional right of secession is an 
historical fact. The most radical gentleman of the majority cannot 

deny it But it is not our purpose to debate the rights of secession-right 

for the star's and stripes was a hero. ^\^f^%^tn^ tha 
immortal with Lee deserves more pr » t*"*™ " ™£ ™f ve shal i 
ever leveled a lance in defense of a fair lady. bl ^' ^Y r m never i the 
not mention the past, "Let the past bury its d«d. N '^l^ 
heroism displayed upon a thousand bat tie heldb 1 iaa «" ug 

fool thru simplicity. , Qm1i +k 

Itl^^^T^r^^^^tsSZr for dis- 

^ wtotf £2 = you are ideali^ H««^^ 
down South, we would co mpel ™ ito£* «£»g ^ ^KK» 
for your ignorance, The .good I old «eg™eyou »e es „ are stiU 

gST^TS; iicsoflhronie J^atio and chivalrous .South 

■tSSKSrSB*. ex-slave, we are introduced to the = 
buck of to-day. And what a ccmhiahon he ^ ^ **«££ his 
SSSS^^SM ^7oirh b r a n f is to cast a reflection upon 
the human race. „ r -hr»m von are raising this hue and 

wflen tX e stability of our government depen, ^C of h^CoStutiol 
its citizens. The man that is unable ^.^^^-tXt. To allow 
^^trn^^X^Te-^^ Wdless of 
nullification is to jeopardize our local government. 

qU ! a y^u rive no to offer^t *-S-^S2ffij£S 
unincumbered by an additional weight Andwh^t a tordens 

You do not figure their increase lite ^.^^^ with the present 
£fe^t«^£ *^£^^ a majority at 
^"multiplication of the full-blooded Negro is a serious problem 

ability inherited from the whites,-make them far mora formidable, thus, 
giving rise to a greater apprehension for our future. 

Everywhere you find Negroes, and you will find them everywhere, 
you will see a greater or less number of miilattoes. Under the present 
conditions there is no possible way preventing this amalgamation. Not 
one Negro wench in ten thousand is chaste, and that one is virtuous in 
as much as it requires a little higher price to buy her than for the common 
herd. And what of the white men who keep a Negro mistress? They 
are mostly of the lower stratum, who are neither capable nor considerate 
enough to think of the consequence of their sins. Southern gentlemen 
will not debase themselves with such a practice, and, they condemn it 
with greater severity than anyone. They see clearly the disastrous re 
suits it will have upon their people. 

With all this confronting them, the people have bestirred themselves 
to discover some plan that will enable them to counteract these evils 
Sir, I do not believe I will be violating my obligation if I mention some 
of the secrets of this society. The society is known as "The Knights 
of Light." The growth for the last two years is unparalleled by any 
similar order. It has for its purpose a momentous question — the race 
problem. The very cause that induced my countrymen to restrict the i 
Negro vote led to its formation. 

If you will be patient with me for a few minutes, I will explain to you 
the purpose of this order, and the way they propose to accomplish it. - 

In the fewest words possible, the purpose is this: To transport all 
Negroes in the United States to Africa. As there is no law to compel 
a coon to leave unless he wants to. the first step is to make him want to 
emigrate. Every person who joins the lodge swears, among other things, 
to assist the coons to the conclusion that it is to their interest to place the 
Atlantic Ocean between themselves and the members of "The Knights of 

The first step of this process of persuasion is simple and ligitimate. 
The members, under severe penalty for a violation of the oath, swear 
that after January, nineteen hundred nine, neither they nor any member 
of their families will for any consideration: — (1) Sell a Negro anything 
to eat, drink, or wear. (2) Rent them land, houses, or anything what- 
soever. (3) Nor will any lawyer, teacher, preacher, or doctor give them 
any professional assistance. (4) Fail to boycott any merchant who 
sells to them or buys from them, the same with a hotel keeper or any- 
one else who is not a member — members will not dare do any of the 
above things. (5) Fail to buy anything the Negro has for sale; as , land 
houses, stock, etc. (6) Fail to furnish any Negro with a ticket who 
desires transportation to a seaport where passage to Africa might be 

Speakers and agents are to tell them of the delightful home across 
the Atlantic from whence they came. Nor is the press to be idle. All 
manner of books, magazines, papers, and pamphlets, calculated to excite 
a desire in them for a home across the pond, will be scattered among them. 
Poor whites of the cities are to take the place of the Negroes who are 
now working the large farms and plantations. Land owners who insist 
on retaining Negro laborers and renters, instead of the poor whites, 
will be dealt with in a summary manner that will not fail to convince 
them that it will be to their interest to discard the coons. 

By these and various other means that I shall not mention, life will 
be made intolerable for the Negro, consequently, he will prefer any old 
place rather remain in the South. With this much accomplished, an 
agreement will be made with one of the provinces of Africa, Congo 

State preferable, where some eleven or twelve millions of American 
Negroes can be happily located. 

Steamship companies are being organized that will undertake to 
transport the Negroes, with all the movable property they might desire 
to take with them, to their new home. Of course, they will be expected 
to pay for their own passage, but if they cannot, and if there is not 
enough money in their crowd or enough property left behind to satisfy 
the shippers, they will be taken free. 

When once there, it is the sworn duty of the members of the order to 
assist them in getting a start in the new country by helping them exist, 
until he can accustom himself to the climate and conditions of his home. 
And it shall be the further duty of the Knights to see that when once 
landed no coon shall ever return. 

When these mild and humane means fail to put the Negroes to moving, 
stronger measures will be taken. Methods, that with justice to my 
constituents, I cannot mention. Suffice it to say, that if it requires 
object lessons to convince the outsiders and the blacks that the Knights 
mean business, a sufficient number will be given. Also, suitable penal- 
ties will be inflicted upon traitor Knights, and those who violate their 
obligations. For instance, we will have no more Booker T's. — those 
saddle-colored misslips of a midnight's debauchery. 

Sir you may laugh at the idea of such an order. You may say that 
it is a band of cutthroats and robbers. You may denounce them as 
lawbreakers; and say that such an order is a violation of the Consti- 
tution and every member is subject to criminal prosecution. But 
the order is there; and all the courts in the United States cannot convict 
one member. It is a secret order, therefore, not one member will testily 
against another; and the outsider will have no positive knowledge of the 
work of the inner ring. But when the time arrives for the work to begin, 
you will see an actual demonstration of this latent power. 

A little over two years ago the first lodge was organized, smce then 
the membership has been growing by leaps and bounds. 

Alabama has.... ■ J^.39l members. 

Arkansas has ■ 1 ,*'i iC 

Florida has -Jf^K 

Georgia has....... WW ^ 

Louisiana has lis 077 

Mississippi has ■ At'tLt 

Missouri has ■■- " ictriq 

North Carolina has ■ li'fi? n 

Oklahoma has - ??»X?i 

Texas has , ■ ■■ ^,059 ^ 

Virginia has "* ,?r£oS 

South Carolina has ..111,693 

Total for the twelve states 1,503,155 members. 

Agents are at work organizing in Kentucky and Tennessee. 

You have the conditions before you as they actually exist. Ihe 
question is not whether this is right or wrong; but, in the name of God, 
what are you going to do about it? The proposition, with all its im- 
perfections, is r nevertheless, a force you must reckon with. You may 
discuss, investigate, and legislate, but while you are deliberating, the 
South is growing more desperate. t , 

What would we do about it then? As I intimated m the beginning, 
there is but one thing we can do — remove the cause. When you do this, 
the trouble will cease. All your threats, all your use of force, will avail 


nothing; anything short of the removal of the cause of the grievance will 
not suffice. 

Mr. President, the Federal Government should undertake this task. 
You must not permit that unfortunate race to surfer unnecessary misery. 
If the Negroes must go, and go they must, let them be banished with the 
least possible cruelty. The Federal Government can transport them 
with dispatch and certainty; private individuals would accomplish the 
task with pain and difficulty. 

Mr. President, I propose to lay before you a scheme, which, if closely 
adhered to, will, with the minimum cost and time, enable the government 
to accomplish this deportation. 

First, the government must secure a home in Africa for the Negroes. 
By a treaty with Congo State, a right could be obtained to settle them 
in the most productive country in central Africa. They would add 
strength to the native government, and at the same time, have all the 
freedom desirable. 

If with them a suitable treaty cannot be negotiated, satisfactory ar- 
rangement can be made with France or England for a right to settle in 
the Sudan. The men in authority of those two nations are too wise to 
refuse a proposition that would increase the laboring population of their 
foreign possessions; and that would flush their revenue several millions 
a year. If settled in the Sudan, the Negroes will pass from under the 
control of the United States into the control of the British or French, 
which we can well afford to do with thanks in the bargain. 

Secondly, the government must send agents among the Negroes to 
encourage the migration, after the treaty is made for an African territory. 
By telling them of the delightful climate, and rich soil where cotton and 
all lands of fruit grow wild; where there are no white men to rape their 
women and lynch the men; where they can have Negro officers and make 
their own laws, and where freedom will be as unlimited as the sunshine 
above their heads, the agents can persuade them to make preparation 
to go. And I assure you, the Negroes will be found quite willing to go; 
for they are as unsatisfied with the present conditions as we are. As an 
old Negro expressed it, "The situation am vacant." 

Thirdly, the government must help the Negroes dispose of their prop- 
erty, thus prevent unscrupulous white men from cheating them out 
of their possessions. Where they own farms, buy them with govern- 
ment money — I will account for these farms later. Through the officers 
and the system of exchange, the Negroes can sell their property, or 
trade it for merchandise they will need in their new home. In a thousand 
ways this Bureau of Trade will be helpful. 

Fourthly, transportation to Africa must be furnished them in govern- 
ment ships, or in ships sailing under government contracts. The Negroes 
will pay the actual cost of the passage, when they are able. 

Fifthly, protection from hostile tribes, and, as far as possible against 
disease, must be guaranteed. If settled in Congo State, the United 
States, assisted by the Negroes themselves, must furnish the protection. I 
If settled in the Sudan, the French or English, in which one's territory 
the colony is made, must guarantee protection. 

By following this simple plan, the United States can rid herself of this 
abominable race. We have been the dumping ground for the world 
long enough. It is our move; let's move toward the kingline, then, 
when they jump them over, we can jump them back. 

I hear you protest that the rice farms; the sugar-caneplantations, and 
the cotton-fields, cannot spare the Negro laborers. That porti.ons of 


the South where the whites cannot exist, the blacks thrive. That to 
take out ten millions of the denizens of the South will improvish the 
richest sections of the nation. You are partly right. But the deporta- 
tion of the Negroes is only half of the scheme we propose. 

The other half is to secure Teutonic immigrants to populate the dis- 
tricts made desolate. The ships that take cargoes of Negroes can re- 
turn by way of Europe and bring back an equal number of trcrmamc 
passengers. Is there a Negro-loving Yankee that would object to that 
trade ? 

But you say it takes two' to make a trade- Then how are we to secure 
our Teutonic 'immigrants? The same way we calculate moving the poor 
whites from the northern and southern cities to the plantations formerly 
worked by the blacks— offering inducements they can see clearly will 
be to their interest to accept. 

Mr President, the first thing for the government to do is send agents 
to those overcrowded countries to tell the people of the middle-class 
of our sunny southland, where the harvest is plentiful and the laborers 
are few Send agents to England, Germany, Sweden, Norway, Den- 
mark, Netherlands and Belgium, where more than 120,000,000 people 
live upon an area of 665,855 square miles. (In the United States we 
have not counting the Negroes, about 65,000,000 people living upon 
3,556,600 square miles.) If those people in those densely populated 
countries knew of the many opportunities here, they would be delighted 
to come, when a way is offered them, to our states where a comfortable 
home may be had at reasonable terms; and employment at living-wages 
can be secured for their sons and daughters. 

Instruct our Commissioners to make speeches whereever they go. 
Furnish them with literature to scatter broadcast among the people 
Let them organize the middle-class into immigration societies. And 
when the people understand the state of affairs, they will make prepara- 
tion to leave their fatherland, and accept the reasonable rate of transporta- 
tion for the new land beyond the sea. 

Secondly, when our Teutonic kinsmen arrive, assist them in securing 
homes If they have money to make a payment on a home, sell them 
the farms the government bought of the Negroes, and other state and 
government lands. There are thousands of land owners, who are 
anxious to divide their large farms and ranches, and sell them 
in small tracts to industrious farmers. Think of the broad nver valleys, 
and millions of acres of coast land, that only waits the hand of industry 
to yield an hundred fold, whereon multitudes of those thrifty folks could 
live in luxury. We need more intensive instead of so much extensive 
farming Not a county in the South yields its full limit. The richest 
land we have is unfilled. We need those Dutch farmers to teach us how 
to cultivate this land. 

Employment bureaus could assist all to obtain work who are unable 
to buy land. Give those economical folks our customary wages, and they 
will save enough in a little while to buy a home. 

While we are importing those thrifty folks, we will be, at the same 
time checking that ilood of undesirable immigrants, who will soon reach 
a sufficient number to absorb the Teutonic element of the American 
people. Sir, I will not dwell here, for I fear you have already classed me 
with the dreamers of schemes impossible for the gods to perform. 

Mr President, I have only one more phase of this subject to consider, 
then I shall bring my remarks to a close. But with your permission, 1 
shall not think of closing until I shall have discussed that topic. 

fe come now to the consideration of the moral right of the plan we 
have elucidated. *irst and foremost, this nation must and shall be 
preserved. To do a great good, do a little wrong," and -Of two evils 
choose the less It is wron^ to imprison our fellowmcn, it is horrible 
to hang a man, but to free society from the contamination of such people 

for hrSfri \T w f ed * -i 3 ? 11 * ?°V ay the Ne ^° is not ^sponsible 
for being here. We reply, neither is the man you hang responsible for 

being in the world We need punish the criminal for the good of society 
we must ship the Negro to save the nation. y 

Again, the deteriorating effects of our present social system arc causing 
the American people to degenerate. We are fast becoming an effeminat- 
ed and inferior race of men. The infusion of new Teutonic blood is 
needed. The great nations of the past have been the mixed people 
The commanding position of the English nation, and our present great- 
ness is due mainly to the amalgamation of the different Germanic peonies 
of which we arc composed. All that is left us is choose with whom we 
shall blend. Do you prefer having our country populated with pure- 
blooded whites or filled with illegitimate leather-colored coons? 

What a contrast, sir, there will be in the results of that choice. You 
know too well the condition of the South, and what will surely follow 
if the Negroes are allowed to remain. But unfold the curtains of the 
future and behold the South after the colonization of twenty-five mil- 
lions industrious whites. Tell me, did you ever witness a pleasantcr 
sight than the ten thousand blue-eyed, rosy^cheeked, laughing boys and 
girls with their golden curls tossed by the summer breeze, as they run 
and play ? J 

Moreover, sir, it is not only the survival of the fittest, but God wills it 
I he hand of Providence is in it all. It has been truthfully said: "There 
is a law higher than the Constitution." The Negroes were brought here 
to be civilized and christianized. Now, they are to be returned to the 
heart of their fatherland to preach the glad tidings to every living soul 
in that ost Continent. It will be the greatest missionary move ever 
projected in the history of the Church, and will terminate by regaining 
the whole continent for the Master. h 

This is an age of invention and commerce, and I know there are some 
who look at everything from the standpoint of profit and loss. Even 
the propagation of the Gospel does not appeal to them. A material 
advantage alone has weight with them, Yet they need not despair 
tor it does not require a prophet to see that a lively commerce will spring 
up between the United States and her African colonics. By judicious 
dealings, our foreign commerce will be greatly augmented 

Not only a commercial advantage, but the expansionist will find a 
broad field for his diplomatic abilities. The United States of America, 
if she desires, can gam a foothold in Africa. 

*JSVfi^ pla V S bef " re .y° l \ Fr °™ beginning to is simplicity 
personified; and considering the tremendous consequences its rejection 
or acceptance will have upon all the people, and remembering its effects 
will reach every home in the South, both black and white, it behooves 
us to give it our careful consideration. I fully appreciated the fact 
that this scheme has little m common with the bill under discussion; 
lor tins bill is the forerunner of the great crisis that must be met. Shall 
we pass this bill, and other similar ones that will speedily follow; and thus 
permit this Government of the people and Tor the people and by the 
people to perish from the earth? God forbid? Let us rather substitute 
one that will eliminate the curse of the nation; and by so doing receive 
the blessings of posterity. ° 

1 I 


Mr. President, Fellow Teachers, Ladies and Gentlemen:— When the 
news of the defeat at Jena spread a v.eil of gloom over the land , and Prus- 
sia was ground under the heel of Napoleon; when Frederick William III. 
was stripped of his possessions, and Germany was humbled to the dust; 
when not one of all her loyal subjects would dare resent the insults heaped 
upon their beautiful Queen Louise by the Corsican tyrant, then the 
great Counselor, directed by "Father John," sought the regeneration 
of das Dcutschland through universal education. The members of 
the "League of Virtue" sang their college songs and discussed 
the wrongs of their country, and drank their beer to the hope of a con- 
federation yet unborn. The Army of Frederick the Great bad grown 
old; the only hope remaining was in popular education. Thus Germany 
worked out her own salvation, and thus must we. If we expect to re- 
move the curse of illiteracy, and uplift the ignorant; if wc expect to 
counteract the increasing social evils and ultimately reach the Utopia, 
we must look for our help in universal training. 

Wc are met here, fellow teachers, to discover just where the defects 
in our present system are. The greatest deficiencies arc in the elementary 
and intermediate schools. We do not wish, however, to depreciate what 
the teacher and school have done for society, they have been of incal- 
culable benefit. But if our social and political panacea is education, 
a lively interest should be manifest in its perfection. The 
common district schools lack uniformity in their curriculum. Rarely 
are the pupils properly classed, English being generally ignored. In 
one school the boys and girls have only two or three studies apiece; in 
another, they will have so many books that they need a wheelbarrow 
to carry them. And another more serious defect is the short term. 
The schools continue from sixteen to twenty weeks, and in the cottan- 
gruwing, states where the children pick cotton until Christmas, then stop 
the middle of March to plant corn, they attend ten or twelve weeks in 
a year* Now add to this the poor accommodations found in the majority 
of the country school-houses, supplemented by the meager training 
of the instructors who teach them, and you can account for the prevalent 
illiteracy. Again, the more fortunate children who receive the advan- 
tage of the full term, and who desire to enter high school, find, to their 
sorrow, they are not prepared to enter any one grade, consequently, 
must be placed back where it requires some time for them to even up 
where they should have been at the beginning. But the most lamentable 
defect is that those who leave the country schools to assume the re- 
sponsibility of citizenship arc not prepared to confront the perplexities 
of modern life. 

In the secondary schools conditions are somewhat better, but very 
little, The high schools arc so inconveniently situated for a large ma- 
jority of the children that they are practically without the advantage 
of high-school training. Many of the elementary schools taught by 
one, or possibly two teachers, make an effort to supply those higher 
courses. If the teacher succeeds in benefiting her more advanced pupils, 
the smaller children will necessarily suffer from neglect. Thus by at- 
tempting too much, the teacher is often brought to grief But in those 
schools that have departments devoted exclusively to nigh-school training 
and where there is no lack of competent teachers, a uniform system of 
grading is wanting. It is a sad fact, but true, nevertheless, that many 
of those high-school graduates with reputable class standing are unable 


to pass a state examination for a second-class certificate, - While graduates 
with similar standing from another school purporting to give the same 
number of grades, could easily secure a state permanent certificate. 
Then it is no wonder that so few of the schools are affiliated with the 
university. Bearing all this in mind, and remembering there is a total 
absence of manual training, you will not be surprised that we are ad- 
vocating reform 

We are not objecting that manual training is poorly taught; but that 
it is not taught at all. The seven hand tools — the axe, saw, plane, 
hammer, square, chisel, and file, with their modifications in the modern 
machine shops may be regarded as the great civilizing agency of the 
world, and the child in an industrial age should be well "acquainted with 
them. This acquaintance can be made best and quickest by manual 
training, which connects tbc child with the active world, thus rendering 
this world of tilings and deeds intelligible. 

Notwithstanding all the above defects and the crying need for reform, 
it will be in this case as in.all others, the masses will blindly oppose it 
The more ignorant a people are, the more determinedly will they reject 
any innovation. They unhesitatingly brand all such" efforts as some 
rascal's scheme, to get rich quick. And to make reform still more difficult, 
there are always demagogues who are ready to champion the people's 
clannish superstitions in order to further their own popularity. 

The people's conception of an education is an erroneous one- A 
knowledge of the three R's is all they think necessary. They see the 
utilitarian feature only. And how could they think 'otherwise? For 
within their limited experience and learning the noble elements of man 
lie dormant, with not an associated idea to spur them to action. They 
having never tasted of the Wine of Wisdom, as a matter of course, have 
no desire for it. A store of isolated facts; as, the height of Pike's Peak, 
the number of chapters in the Bible, and the number of inches in the 
circumference of the earth, is what they want. When I began making 
preparations to enter the University, several of my friends came to mc 
and advised me not to spend my money foolishly, and asked me why 1 
wanted to continue going to school, and what" else was there that I 
expected to learn. They assured me that I knew more than they, and 
so far, they had succeeded in life.*' 

The laity's misconception of a genuine education brings out one of the 
striking differences between an educated and an uneducated mars. In 
the short time allotted for the reading of this paper, we cannot under- 
take to contrast the main difference of the two classes from a psycholog- 
ical standpoint. 

"The real object of genuine republican education," says Dr. Kliot, 
"is the discovery and development of the inborn capacities and powers 
of each individual, and the increase, through increased efficiency and 
seryiceableness, of his happiness, of his enjoyment of the solid, human 
satisfactions-— health, productive labor, and social and domestic life. 

Locke observes; "Out of one hundred men, more than ninety are 
good or bad, useful or harmful tc society, owing to the education they 
have received." 

Leibnitz remarked: "Entrust me with education, and in less than a] 
century I will change the face of Europe." 

We concur with" Dr. Eliot when he advocates the doctrine that 
education is to prepare a man for real active life. It is, indeed, "The 
discovery and development of the inborn capacities and powers of each 
individual," It is that preparation, that training, necessary to prepare 
one for complete living. 


From the above condition, we conclude that some definite school 
system should be inaugurated that will be more in harmony with the 
demands of the times- I make bold tc venture a plan for an ideal system, 
which, we hope will meet with your favorable consideration. 

The system should he characterized by a maximum of local indepen- 
dence and with a minimum of central control. Education should be 
universal, compulsory, and secular. 

Besides the special" schools; as, normals for teachers, institutes for the 
blind, etc., there are three main divisions: the common, or district 
schools; the industrial, or training school, the university. 


Without references to county boundary lines, the state should be 
surveyed into districts six miles square. Each district will contain 
thirty-six square miles. A substantial school house consisting of not 
less than two rooms should be built near the center of the district, using, 
as far as possible, the school building that chanced to fall within the 
district. This would place a school in four miles of the most distant 
home In connection with this, there should be erected a teacher's 
residence of at least four comfortable rooms; also, if convenient, truck 
patch of twenty acres of land, should be set aside for the use of the 

T J* ""l 11 f* 1"S 

That the people, might feel a personal interest in their school the im- 
mediate supervision should be, as far as expedient, by local authority. 
Tliree trustees should be elected, each serving three years, one retiring 
and another elected each year. They should have general control of 
the school, as, employing and dismissing teachers, etc. 

Besides the funds received from the state and county appropriation, 
a local tax of not less than twenty cents on* the one hundred dollars 
valuation should be collected. A district in the productive black land 
belt would have, say one hundred fifty scholars at six dollars per capita, 
equal nine hundred dollars. Allowing a rendition of forty dollars per 
acre for the land, with a special school tax of twenty-five cents on the 
one hundred dollars, it would amount to two thousand, three hundred 
fifty dollars, this plus the state appropriation would pay incidental 
expenses, and four competent teachers living wages. 

As I intimated in the beginning, the attendance should be compulsory. 
Each child between the ages of -six and sixteen should be compelled by 
state to attend thirty-two weeks in each year. Parents and guardians 
should be fined for all unexcused absences. Protracted sickness and so 
on, would, of course, be lawful excuse. Those pupils who could not 
finish the ten year course by the time they reach sixteen should be allowed 
to continue free of tuition for an indefinite time, or until they did finish 
the course. 

The course of study should be divided into three parts, the primary, 
the intermediate, and the high school. The curriculum should be ar- 
ranged by a state board, appointed for that purpose. They should meet 
everv two years and make all necessary changes. 

We shall not undertake the task of saying just what should be taught 
in each grade; however, the high school should be sufficiently advanced 
for every disLrieL school to be affiliated with the University. While 
affiliation with the universities should not be lost sight of, courses in 
agriculture and manual training ought to be given. 

All graduates from these common schools shall be eligible to enter 
the training school without examination. Free scholarships to the teach- 


er's normals and to the University should be given to these of except! anal 
ability. Thus by constantly selecting those of Lhc highest class standing 
for the special work, the professional men and women will he of the best 
brain the country affords. 

The question of teachers is an important one. No teacher shottJd be 
required to teach more than forty scholars. All teachers must be normal 
graduates or have university degrees. And they shall be elected for 
not less than two years nor more than five, They must teach thirty-two 
weeks rn each year, but if a majority of the teachers desire it, and 'there 
is enough money appropriated to the school, the school might continue 
more than thirty-two weeks, however, the attendance after the regular 
term expires will not be compulsory, 

The number of teachers in a school will be governed by the number of 
scholars. The ten grades will be taught in districts with as many as two 
teachers. In thinly settled counties where one teacher can teach the 
school, the advanced scholars from several adjoining districts will have 
to employ a special teacher, each district represented paying its pro rata. 

The question we teachers are most interested in is salary. Take the 
district mentioned above as a typical example: — 

150 scholars at $6 per capita. $ 900 

25c. tax on land at $40 per aero 2,304 

Principal per year ftl.OOO 

First Assistant per year g00 

First Assistant per year 800 

Second Assistant per year 650 

Primary per year ... 700 

Blalance for incidentals _ 54 

Balance 3,204 3 t 204 

In addition to the one thousand dollars salary, the principal is to have 
free of rent the teacher's residence; and all produced on the truck patch. 
1 his patch is to be used in teaching agriculture. 

Of course, you understand that the regulations coneerning the si#e of . 
the district, etc., doss not pertain to the towns and cities that have con- 
trol of their schools. They shall however, have the same grading in the 
primary intermediate, and high school; also, they shall have universal, 
compulsory, and secular education. 


_ At or near the center of a square containing thirty-six districts, a train- 
ing school or industrial school, should be located, The school would be 
m twenty-five miles of the farthest home. 

The Training School is to be a state institution, sin-ported, and partially 
controlled by the thirty-six districts in which it is located, hence, the 
tuition should be free, All graduates of the common school, both sexes, 
may attend. Men and women over twenty-five years old who have no 
diploma from the common school may be admitted tinder certain condi- 
tions as special students, 

The motor training to be given will require two veurs for completion. 
Ihe first year will be a continuation of the manual training given in the 
district schools, supplemented by gymnasium drills, and a course in 
English, etc., special attention being given to agriculture. 

Ihe second year should be of a more industrial nature. Work in the 
shop, with the major part devoted to scientific farming, stock raising 
and so on, thus bridging the impossible gulf separating the home and 
the school. The co-ordination of the brain and the mind, with a deeper 


understanding of the thousand and one things that ordinarily are of no 
interest to the farm laborer, the farm-life will be exalted and the breach 
between the farmer and the professional man will be lessened, which will 
have a tendency to keep our boys and girls on the farm. 

The disposition to undervalue the land is an inheritance from the 
speculative philosophy of the Middle Ages, which was based on contempt 
ol the body and its members. Contempt for the body has generated a 
feeling of contempt for manual work and has multiplied dishonest prac- 
tices in the course of the struggle to acquire wealth by other means than 
manual labor. The active participation of children in manual training 
ought to correct the false notion so_ prevalent among children that man- 
ual labor is less worthy than professional occupation. It would tend to 
unify society instead of to stratify it. 

When 1 talk of manual training and industrial schools, I find most 
people do not fully understand. Industrial training finds great excellence 
in automatic and mechanical execution as means to pecuniary advantage. 
Manual training finds its great excellence rather in the keener intellect, 
more accurate muscular control and judgment. Manual Training is 
defined by the American Manual Training Association as, any form of 
constructive work that serves to develop the powers of the pupil through 
spontaneous and intelligent Self-activity. 

To be more definite, Manual Training includes free hand and technical 
drawing, work in wood and metal, domestic science, cooking, dress 
making, pattern making, printing, Swedish sloyd, Russian tool practice, 

Ideally when the boys begin the bench work, the girls should have a 
chance for training in" Domestic Science, plain and fancy sewing, and 
cooking, laundering, ventilation and care of heating plants, etc. 

The average industrial school could reasonably expect from the thirty- 
six districts represented an enrollment of one hundred fifty regular 
students. This would command a corps of four teachers, one for the 
academic branches; one lady for the girls industrial training; and two 
men for the shop and held work, 

The instructor 111 the academic branches should be a graduate of the 
University. The lady should be a graduate of an industrial college 
While the other two men should have diplomas from the Agricultural and 
Mechanical College. _ , 

Pay for the teachers and the various other expenses could !ue derived 
from two sources. First, part of the state appropriation. Secondly, 
from special tax- 
One industrial districts which will contain thirty-six common districts, 
as considered above, 

30 District, 150 scholars per district. 

5400 scholars at 50c per capita from state $2,700 

Local tax, ft64 per district 2,304 

Total fund...... $5,004 


Principal teacher for year ■. $1 h200 

Two instructors, $1000 each per year.-.....- 2,000 

Lady assistant, per year - &00 

'Total.... 1 ' ----- - W.000 

Balance $1,004 

Which would be ample for sundry expenses and purchasing supplies. 


There should be elected from among the people seven directors who, 
under the supervision of the State Superintendent of the Industrial 
Schools, should govern the Industrial Schools in accordance to the State 
Industrial School Laws. 

The regular term should be nine months. The school should be free 
to all who satisfied entrance requirements. A summer session of two 
months for men and women over twenty-five should have no entrance 
requirements more than citizenship and good moral character. 

This two months term should be devoted to lessons in scientific farming, 
diversification of crops, care and breeding of live stock, preservation 
of food stuff, etc. By giving thesis free lessons to the farmers and ranch- 
men, they individually would be benefited, and from, an economical 
standpoint, the state would be helped, 


The university should consist of at least five different divisions: the 
school of arts.; the school of laws; the school of medicine; the school of 
engineering, and the agricultural and mechanical department. 

Strong courses in the school of arts should be maintained, leading to 
the A. B., A. M., and Ph. D. degrees. 

All graduates of the common schools who have done satisfactory work, 
and who have completed the ten year course by their seventeenth year 
shall be admitted without examination. Graduates of the industrial 
schools will receive credit for one year's work. 

Law students, before entering the Law Department, must take the four- 
year preparatory course prescribed for prospective law students, leading 
to Lho A. B, degree. After they shall have finished the academic work, 
two years more will be required for graduation in the Law Department. 

Also, the medical students must do four years work, taking the prospec- 
tive medical student's prescribed preparatory course in the school of 
Arts, then three years in the Department of Medicine before receiving 
the degree of Doctor of Medicine. 

The graduates of the common schools may enter the Department of 
Engineering, and receive their degrees when they have done satisfactory 
work for four terms. 

The Agricultural and Mechanical Department should make the same 
entrance and graduation requirements as the Engineering Department, 
save graduates of the Industrial schools should receive credit for one year 


There .should be maintained and controlled b}' the State ten normals 
for the training of teachers. The course should consist of three years' 
work' for graduation. No one should be admitted who has not finished 
the public school work. As. the normal is to be supported by the state, 
the tuition should be free. Those who attend the normals should be 
required to sign a pledge to teach for a specified number of years in the 
district schools. 

For every thirty-six districts, there should be a school for truants 
and incorrigible pupils. These schools should be controlled by state officers ; 
and should be supported by the parents or guardjans'of the children who 
attend them, "ft hen a child is sent there, the parents~are to be compelled 
by the state to pay for the child's board and tuition. 

The teachers and trustees of the district the child lives in are to be sole 
judges as to whether the child's conduct merits placing him in the school 
of incorrigibleSr While the law shall determine how many cases of truancy 
are necessary for conviction. 

The length of time the child is retained in the school depends on the 
nature of the charges and on his conduct while retained. 

The state should maintain a sufficient number of schools for the defec- 
tive, the deaf and dumb, the blind, etc. 

This is,, briefly stated, the system we hope in the near future to see 
adapted by every southern state. Rome was not built in a day, neither 
can we accomplish everything at once. We must patiently labor, gain- 
ing little by little, never retreating, ever forward. 

That we may approximate the'ideal t be on the alert to assist every 
possible move £or the better, let every man and woman stand firm for . 
the proposed amendment of article seven, section three, of the Constitu- 
tion of Texas, which reads: iL That two-lhirds of the qualified property 
tax-paying voters voting at an election to be held for that purpose, 
shall vote such tax not to exceed in any one year, twenty cents on the 
one hundred dollars valuation of. property subject to taxation in such 
district." Which will read if amended: "That a majority of the qualified 
property tax-paying voters voting at an election to be held for that 
purpose, shall vote such tax not to exceed in any one year fifty cents on 
the one hundred dollars valuation of property subject to taxation, in , 
such district." By securing the passage of this amendment, we will be 
making a long leap in the right direction 

The present law is undemocratic, because all good Democrats are willing 
for the majority to rule. This law, as it now stands, permits a majority 
of the parents to prevent the majority from providing a better school 
for their children. To illustrate: a few days ago in a school district 
in south Texas the citizens attempted to vote a special school tax often 
cents on the one hundred dollars valuation of property. Forty-eight 
voted against it; ninety-four voted for it, thus lacking two votes carrying. 
Here the laws of Texas allow forty-eight ignorant, non-enterprising men 
to say to ninety-four intelligent, enterprising citizens, "You cannot 
build up a decent school in this neighborhood, that you may educate your 
children at" home, but you must spend your hard-earned cash to send 
them to town to school, for we, the 'Big Forty-Eight,' prefer to keep our 
children in Ignorance, like their dads/' 

The present law discriminates between town and country children; 
for the citizens of a town can vote more money for support of their school 
. than the country people can for the support of the country school. No 
matter how anxious the country people are to vote enough tax to build 
a good school house, and employ a sufficient number of competent teach- 
ers, they can vote only a twenty-cent tax. Though the law virtually 
says that the town children are better than the country children, where 
is the Solon that will maintain this view? The town furnishes us with 
dudes; the country supplies us with men. 

If we can secure" the passage of this amendment, soon a majority of the 
districts will have better schools. The masses will gradually improve 
intellectually until a few years hence we can propose the Ideal System, 
and"carry it by popular vote. 

With the Ideal System in perfect working order, the millennium will be 
dawning. To see every man and woman with a practical education 
going about his or her chosen work with a trained hand and brain and 
with a willing heart, is a condition worth striving for. Then we shall hear 
no more of Socialists and Anarchists, but men and women will take a 
philosophical view of life, realizing that it is with them whether their 
future will be darker or brighter. The jails will be empty, and the 
penitentiaries will be turned into homes for the poor. We will hear no 
more of the poor man's burdens, for the problem will have b-een solved.